But given the dynamics of change and the interdependencies of the modern world, this is not a viable option. Consistent with this strategic option would be a restrictive migration policy, designed to perpetuate the current ethnic composition of Europe—even when faced with a rapidly aging population. The sovereignty narrative can easily become part of a defensive mindset that calls into question the liberal worldview that has characterized EU politics for decades. dónde encontrar "securing civilization? Initiatives such as the Alliance for Multilateralism, launched by France and Germany, are steps in the right direction. Faced with the heterogeneity of its membership and the fragmentation of its politics, the EU is unlikely to clarify its identity for the foreseeable future. This capacity will be crucial for solving the global challenges confronting the world today. Nonetheless, it’s useful to separately discuss the options, as it may clarify their respective risks, costs, and benefits and also help set priorities for the EU’s engagement with the world. How should Europeans respond to these developments? European politicians used to speak about foreign policy in terms of building a global liberal order, strengthening the transatlantic partnership, and safeguarding effective multilateralism. Allying oneself with the strongest power in the world promises not only protection but potentially also enhanced leverage to pursue one’s interests. Introduction. Macron made clear that European sovereignty would not supplant national sovereignty in the sense of building a European state but rather complement and enhance it. Though China and the United States have different societal preferences and values, China so far shows little inclination to export its ideology to other parts of the world. The UK voted to leave the EU in 2016 and actually left on 31 January 2020, but leaders had until the end of 2020 to work out a trade deal There are big changes ahead. China is the EU’s second most important economic partner. If the EU decides to step up its support for a rules-based international order, it will have to increase its investment in international regimes and organizations and show leadership in mobilizing like-minded countries. The first step to securing your place in the UK is understanding... Talk to Your Employer. Protecting the European way of life seems to be a more acceptable though vague formula to express the need to safeguard Europe’s identity. The West’s hopes that a rising middle class in China would quickly lead to Western-style democratization were clearly misguided. For example, a successful neighbourhood policy is crucial for the EU’s credibility and effectiveness as a global actor. However, two risks must be avoided. Many partners around the world are ready to work with the EU on increasing multilateral cooperation. European leaders will have to build better defenses against pressures and coercion from abroad, ensure a functioning transatlantic relationship to successfully manage relations with a rising China, and promote effective multilateralism. The return of power politics and some countries’ rejection of the universalist agenda has made the job more difficult but not impossible. But a second reason for the shifting mood is that the universalist philosophy that had informed European and North American global diplomacy for decades has run into trouble. They can empower citizens and make authorities more accountable but also spread disinformation and facilitate surveillance. The notion of a “European civilization” is tarnished, as it served for centuries to propagate European supremacy and legitimize colonialism. Numerous states are now in the hands of strongman rulers such as Russian President Vladimir Putin, Chinese President Xi Jinping, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro. Some places in the world even have the problem of "career criminals" worsened by the fact that those released from prison cannot find good jobs. 3 Europeans want the EU to play a bigger role on the world stage. Thus, the bonds of shared ideals and values between the United States and Europe will not be as relevant. At a time when the United States and China tend to weaponize their economic and financial power through extraterritorial sanctions and threats to limit access to markets, there is an excellent case for strengthening resilience and developing instruments to counter hostile action. European politicians used to speak about foreign policy in terms of building a global liberal order, strengthening the transatlantic partnership, and safeguarding effective multilateralism. The core idea of the European Neighborhood Policy—that the EU would help its neighbors with democratic and economic reforms—was quietly downgraded and replaced by an emphasis on stability and resilience. The European Union has deployed an Election Observation Mission for the Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in Ghana scheduled for 7 December 2020. Biden has also stated his readiness to renew U.S. engagement as the country’s next president. The OSCE: Inclusive Security Practices and their Limits 5. By the end of the century, the EU’s share of the world population is expected to shrink from 6 to 4 percent. A closer look at today’s reality reveals that the universalist agenda is in trouble but not dead. The European Union is a security provider in many ways. So far, safeguards have only been used sparingly by the EU. The wider approach to securing health also inspires a wider sense of Europe. But when the new European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen proposed this term for the portfolio of Commission Vice President Margaritis Schinas, she encountered massive opposition from center-left and liberal parties in the European Parliament. However, this new transatlantic relationship would be distinctly different from the earlier U.S.-European partnership during the Cold War. Now politicians tend to focus on developing European sovereignty, ensuring strategic autonomy, and protecting the European way of life. Traditional UN organizations will need to be complemented by more flexible and agile forums for collective cooperation, as the latter are sometimes more suited to achieving results rapidly. Multilateralism is far from being a novel concept. Protecting the European way of life seems to be a more acceptable though vague formula to express the need to safeguard Europe’s identity. But this letter was soon followed by another letter ultimately signed by fifty states that commended China for its achievement in human rights and opposed the “practice of politicizing human rights, by naming and shaming, and exerting pressure on other countries.” China is skillfully using the leverage of its economic relationships to assemble a broad coalition against the universalist philosophy. Even so, while Europe and the United States have similar economic and security concerns overall and could agree on a joint agenda on China, the long-term goals of their policies might be quite different. It is the general rule for all decisions concerning EU’ s Foreign and security policy, with each EU Member State having equal vote. EU member states maintain diverse economic ties with China and therefore find it difficult to agree on a common approach to China’s rise. But it also underlines that there is progress in some parts of the world and that the desire for freedom and democratic governance among civil society is as strong as ever. Von der Leyen has said she will lead a “geopolitical Commission,” but as a diverse multilevel entity held together by law and values, the EU will never be very good at geopolitics. Since the end of World War II, Western countries have promoted a set of universal principles, including democracy, respect for fundamental freedoms, and the rule of law, as well as free trade and a liberal market economy, which in their view serve as foundations of a rules-based world order. Today, identity politics threaten the EU’s universalist philosophy, and the decline of Europe’s political and economic power threatens to turn the region into a playing field rather than a player. In light of growing challenges and the negative developments in several countries, the EU should strengthen its policy and stand up for the rig… 45/1 New Eskaton, For several decades, the Soviet bloc and parts of the developing world pushed back, propagating an alternative world view. In many Asian and African countries, the resentment against what they perceive as interference by their former colonial masters is widespread. A neighbourhood of peace, democracy and economic prosperity is necessary for the EU’s long-term development and security. EU relations with the rest of the world. The adherents of such a defensive view accept that the EU economy will continue to rely on trade, but they would welcome the reshoring of industrial production and the shortening of supply lines. Originally, multilateralism was instituted as a form of cooperation among sovereign states, which are the building blocks of any multilateral arrangement or enterprise. Relaunching multilateralism together with like-minded partners around the world should therefore remain at the center of Europe’s foreign policy. But it also underlines that there is progress in some parts of the world and that the desire for freedom and democratic governance among civil society is as strong as ever. Of course, a convergence of lifestyles driven by economic and technological developments and by mobility and cultural exchanges does not automatically translate into shared universalist politics. Fax: +32 2736 6222. Also, the Cold War was principally about Europe, so while the United States led the response, its European allies had considerable input into the shaping of U.S. policy. However, there is a fine line between protection and protectionism and between strengthening autonomy and turning against interdependence. And in political terms, there is a widespread sense of vulnerability and loneliness: “The times in which we could completely depend on others are on the way out” and “we Europeans have to take our destiny into our own hands,” as German Chancellor Angela Merkel has put it. For example, people living in London, Shanghai, Sydney, and Vancouver can choose from an eclectic range of food, fashion, culture, and architecture. The U.S.-China rivalry will almost certainly become the defining characteristic of this decade and possibly the next one. With few exceptions, only politicians on the nationalist right like to use this terminology. As the U.S. focus on the Indo-Pacific intensifies, the roles of the United States and Europe could change, leading Europe, with U.S. support, to assume greater responsibilities in its own neighborhood. One of the key elements of the EU’s security architecture is consensus (unanimity). Using a different methodology, Freedom House notes an overall decline in global freedom beginning in 2006, currently aggravated by the coronavirus pandemic. We are the world’s largest humanitarian organization, saving lives in emergencies and using food assistance to build a pathway to peace, stability and prosperity for people recovering from conflict, disasters and the impact of climate change. Attitudes toward migration and asylum are increasingly marked by a fortress Europe mindset, with most governments prioritizing the security of external borders above all other objectives. It includes the EU, four EU Member States (Germany, France, Italy and the United Kingdom) and 15 countries from the rest of the world (Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, India, Indonesia, Japan, Mexico, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, South Korea, Turkey and the United States). However, the hope that countries around the world would embrace the universalist credo turned out to be an illusion. At the same time, the cooperation must be more equitable, meaning that Europe must address its overrepresentation in some bodies and enable more systematic involvement of civil society. The UK’s place in the world and EU membership. The United Nations (UN), as … A median of 74% of Europeans want the EU to take a more active international stance in the years ahead. Leaving the EU gives us the opportunity to deliver on that ambition once and for all – strengthening our economy, our communities, our union, our democracy, and our place in the world, while maintaining a close friendship and strong partnership with our European neighbours. The EU’s international role will also be debated but is unlikely to feature high on the agenda. Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees. Very crudely, three basic strategic options could secure the EU’s position in the world: Stay connected to Judy Dempsey's Strategic Europe with a new smartphone app for Android and iOS devices, Carnegie Europe Second, an excessive emphasis on protection and defense might harm the EU’s open and liberal outlook. In international forums that discuss human rights, the West is now on the defensive. There is a real danger that Europe will end up sharing some of the risks and much of the costs of a policy that it can hardly influence. The World Just Needs the Resolve to Act, Politics of Fear and International Influence. As vaccine production falls behind schedule, and the European Union lags in inoculating people, Brussels and London are lobbing threats and accusations at each other. Pressure on the EU to align with Washington in the areas of technology, trade, and foreign and security policy will increase. Facing an ongoing shift in global forces, an aging European population might just hope for a comfortable retirement at the margins of world politics. For several decades, the Soviet bloc and parts of the developing world pushed back, propagating an alternative world view. The global wave of democratization that characterized the 1990s and early 2000s lost momentum. The EU - Who are "we" and where is the enemy? Facing an ongoing shift in global forces, an aging European population might just hope for a comfortable retirement at the margins of world politics. She thus highlighted the circularity and shallowness that characterize much of the EU’s debate about its identity. It’s therefore useful to explore possible strategic options for the EU’s global engagement. If the EU decides to step up its support for a rules-based international order, it will have to increase its investment in international regimes and organizations and show leadership in mobilizing like-minded countries. When Emmanuel Macron started talking about European sovereignty during his campaign for the French presidency, it raised some eyebrows. China is the EU’s second most important economic partner. Stefan Lehne is a visiting scholar at Carnegie Europe in Brussels, where his research focuses on the post–Lisbon Treaty development of the European Union’s foreign policy, with a specific focus on relations between the EU and member states. A system of multilateral institutions established under U.S. leadership in the 1940s and 1950s aimed to spread these values globally. Article 3.1 states that the GDPR applies to organizations that are based in the EU even if the data are being stored or used outside of the EU. Reflecting on the EU’s very nature as an international actor could serve as a good starting point for such a discussion. Still, to set the right priorities and avoid a clash in interests, it will be useful for the EU to discuss what the fundamental orientation of its external policy should be. In June 2020, the UN Human Rights Council passed—against the votes of most European members—a resolution China introduced, titled “promoting mutually beneficial cooperation in the field of human rights.” The resolution will likely refocus UN work on technical cooperation and capability building at the cost of accountability. But even French leaders couch their current controversy with Turkey about religion and the freedom of expression (the cartoon crisis) in strictly national terms (Republican values). The sovereignty narrative can easily become part of a defensive mindset that calls into question the liberal worldview that has characterized EU politics for decades. Initiatives such as the Alliance for Multilateralism, launched by France and Germany, are steps in the right direction. 2nd Floor By the end of the century, the EU’s share of the world population is expected to shrink from 6 to 4 percent. Designed & Developed by. The emergence of miniature civilization states within the EU does not help; Hungary and Poland have become increasingly critical of the universalist agenda and instead promote their own national values and identity. For example, people living in London, Shanghai, Sydney, and Vancouver can choose from an eclectic range of food, fashion, culture, and architecture. Very crudely, three basic strategic options could secure the EU’s position in the world: Realistically, because foreign policy is complex and constantly evolving, the EU will need to pursue elements of all three strategic options. Why are Myanmar ‘Realists’ Desperate for Compromise? Introduction - Thinking about Security in the 21st Century 2. Von der Leyen has said she will lead a “geopolitical Commission,” but as a diverse multilevel entity held together by law and values, the EU will never be very good at geopolitics. The EU has been criticised for the pace of its vaccination programme - only 16% of its population has received the jab, compared with 52% in the UK. For decades, sovereignty has been the banner under which nationalists have marched against European integration. By 2050, no European state will belong to the G7 group of the world’s biggest economies. The United Nations World Food Programme is the 2020 Nobel Peace Prize Laureate. “The referendum on membership of the EU offers the UK a once-in-a-generation opportunity to assess critically its role in the world today, and to decide what kind of foreign policy actor it seeks to become in future.”. The responsibility for work on the EU’s relations with the rest of the world lies with the Foreign Affairs Council. This article was originally published on Carnegie Europe.Views in this article are author’s own and do not necessarily reflect CGS policy. Many Europeans who sorely missed U.S. leadership over the past few years would welcome a revival of the West. In terms of foreign policy, the EU would avoid power struggles in distant parts of the world and instead focus on maintaining stability and managing migration in its neighborhood. Siding with the United States will not come easy, however, and will carry important economic costs. Internal security has become a major field of action with increasing cooperation in the Freedom, Security … Digitalization will continue to reduce the significance of geographic distance and facilitate international communication and exchanges. China, India, Russia, and Turkey view themselves not as nation states cast in the European model but as civilization states that promote and defend their distinct way of life. Of course, a convergence of lifestyles driven by economic and technological developments and by mobility and cultural exchanges does not automatically translate into shared universalist politics. Even some of the most successful Asian countries—including Japan, Singapore, South Korea, and Taiwan—have open societies espousing universalist principles. Globalization has weakened in recent years but is unlikely to be reversed altogether. The recent election of Joe Biden as the next president of the United States will not end the rivalry but rather change the nature of it. But when the new European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen proposed this term for the portfolio of Commission Vice President Margaritis Schinas, she encountered massive opposition from center-left and liberal parties in the European Parliament. A year earlier, twenty-two countries had sent a letter to the council condemning the repression against Uighurs and other ethnic minorities in Xinjiang, China. At the same time, the cooperation must be more equitable, meaning that Europe must address its overrepresentation in some bodies and enable more systematic involvement of civil society. The recent election of Joe Biden as the next president of the United States will not end the rivalry but rather change the nature of it. The adherents of such a defensive view accept that the EU economy will continue to rely on trade, but they would welcome the reshoring of industrial production and the shortening of supply lines. The EU has always been about promoting trade: not only by removing barriers to trade between EU countries, but also by encouraging other countries to trade with the EU.In 2018, EU exports represented 15.2% of global exports and EU imports 15.1%, making it one of the world’s biggest trade players alongside the US and China. The EU cannot, on the one hand, insist that these values are universally shared by all humankind and, on the other hand, claim that they form the unique essence of Europe’s identity. The EU will try hard to avoid taking sides, but if it has to, it will end up supporting the United States. That EU leaders are forced to resort to such rhetorical gimmicks reveals deep divisions about the relevance of various strands of European heritage (for example, Judeo-Christian or Enlightenment values). In June 2020, the UN Human Rights Council passed—against the votes of most European members—a resolution China introduced, titled “promoting mutually beneficial cooperation in the field of human rights.” The resolution will likely refocus UN work on technical cooperation and capability building at the cost of accountability. You are leaving the Carnegie–Tsinghua Center for Global Policy's website and entering another Carnegie global site. Good relations with the rest of the world are beneficial to the EU’s economic, political, social and cultural development. REINVENTING THE WEST WHILE CONTAINING CHINA. Siding with the United States will not come easy, however, and will carry important economic costs. Additional U.S. pressure could deepen these divisions further. Europe will simply have to try harder. Google allows users to search the Web for images, news, products, video, and other content. When Emmanuel Macron started talking about European sovereignty during his campaign for the French presidency, it raised some eyebrows. The world Financial Discussion board checked out 136 international locations and ranked them primarily based on different factors in its biennial tourism report. Trade and other economic policies, which used to be engines of progressive liberalization, are now being recast to protect the EU from potential harmful influences from China and other rising foreign powers. Sweden wants to strengthen the EU as a global actor and work for a successful neighbourhood policy in this area. The EU will soon launch its long-awaited Conference on the Future of Europe, a multiyear participatory endeavor involving member states, EU institutions, and the public. When taking into account international governmental and nongovernmental institutions, media, and top educational establishments, the Western approach to rules and norms still appears reasonably robust. The Irish Data Protection Commission (IDPC) has commenced an inquiry into Facebook controlled EU-US data transfers, and has suggested that SCCs cannot in practice be used for EU-US data transfers. This capacity will be crucial for solving the global challenges confronting the world today. The Cold War was largely a fight over different ideas for organizing society; this time, the fight will be mainly about power and control. Already today, downtown areas in big cities share similarities. Pressure on the EU to align with Washington in the areas of technology, trade, and foreign and security policy will increase. The three policy options presented above are not mutually exclusive. In international forums that discuss human rights, the West is now on the defensive. Realistically, because foreign policy is complex and constantly evolving, the EU will need to pursue elements of all three strategic options. As the United States reduced its global footprint for reasons of both will and capacity, many countries reverted to traditional forms of power politics, triggering competitions for regional hegemony. Even some of the most successful Asian countries—including Japan, Singapore, South Korea, and Taiwan—have open societies espousing universalist principles. Whereas Europeans would like to see a China that plays by the rules and is a responsible stakeholder, the United States strives for a China that remains less powerful than itself. If the EU focuses all its attention on defending the status quo, it will lose its ability to shape the future. Dhaka 1000, Bangladesh, © 2020 - Centre for Governance Studies. The Conference on the Future of Europe would be an excellent occasion to do so. The Global Peace Index is a ranking of the safest countries in the world. However, revived multilateralism will look different from the twentieth-century version. There is a real danger that Europe will end up sharing some of the risks and much of the costs of a policy that it can hardly influence. While most in the survey are downbeat about the European Union’s recent track record within Europe, they have a more optimistic view of the EU’s future global role. Carnegie–Tsinghua Young Ambassadors Program, G7 group of the world’s biggest economies, Macron made clear that European sovereignty, opposition from center-left and liberal parties, Reinventing the West while containing China. And, in fact, EU institutions are working on measures to achieve these aims. In the area of security and defense, strategic autonomy would remain the overall objective—though questions remain about the extent to which member states would mobilize the necessary resources to make that a practical reality. It will also have to strengthen coordination between EU institutions and capitals and ensure coherence between various strands of its external policy, including on trade, development, mobility and connectivity, foreign policy, and security. Rue du Congrès, 15 First, while some EU leaders talk the talk of European sovereignty and strategic autonomy, member states preoccupied with their national priorities might not walk the walk and commit the necessary resources. A system of multilateral institutions established under U.S. leadership in the 1940s and 1950s aimed to spread these values globally. Conclusion Bibliography Numerous states are now in the hands of strongman rulers such as Russian President Vladimir Putin, Chinese President Xi Jinping, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro. A graceful management of European decline will bump up against the harsh realities of unresolved global challenges ranging from the climate transition to digitalization. Above all, representatives of civilization states reject a form of accountability that transcends national borders.